Tuesday May 03, 2011
Julio Figueroa Nuñez | PRSSA Ponce
 “...There comes a time in the history of nations when their  peoples must become fully reconciled to their past if they are to go  forward with confidence to embrace their future.”
                                           – Kevin Rudd, Former Australian Prime Minister
These  words, made by a foreign leader addressed to his people seem to me  relevant and its spiritual impact should touch the spirit of those of us  yearning for change.  The transformative and revolutionary power of  reconciliation, healing and wisdom imbued in those words were present in  the minds of those who founded this great country just a few centuries  ago.  The generations of Americans that followed have inherited strong  institutional and philosophical foundations that have helped us create a  strong country full of promise for those of us who were fortunate  enough to be born here.  But somewhere along the way, we have left some  of our people behind.
We have witnessed time and time  again, when foreign policy and political decision makers aim to export  our brand of democracy to foreign soil so that others can enjoy what not  all of us in the United States have.  Often times, the price to execute  our mission around the world has been paid with the blood of our own  people – including men and women that signed and swore their loyalty to  our Constitution in a part of the country where the Constitution does  not fully apply.  Racial, ethnic, and cultural differences matter not  when donning the Nation’s uniform in a forward location – in the  frontlines where we battle to carry out these missions, we are all  Americans.
The matter at hand, which drives our  discussion, is the President’s Task Force Report on Puerto Rico Status  released in March 2011.  The aim of the first part of the 2011 Report is  to propose policy options to resolve the island’s perennial status  problem by “taking a fresh look at issues related to status without  being bound by prior analyses or limited in the issues on which it  focused,” (Task Force Report, March 2011, p. 23).  Having already read  and analyzed the report, it is my opinion that the Committee did not  accomplish their objectives, leaving the report incomplete due to the  omission of an option I think is worthy of discussion and serious  consideration.  What the report fails to discuss is that there are two  legal variants of territory status that we need to take a closer look at  – incorporated and non-incorporated status.
While both  territory status variants are still subject to the Territory Clause of  the U.S. Constitution, the differences between them are too enormous to  ignore.  For example, under incorporation, the U.S. Constitution will  fully apply to residents of the island.  This new legal reality will  have immediate repercussions on the island.  If the Constitution fully  applies to the territory of Puerto Rico, most, if not all discriminatory  jurisprudence that stem from the Insular Cases by judicial fiat will no  longer apply to the island.
Additionally, the  questionable legal status of our citizenship will no longer be subject  to speculation concerning the law it was borne out of due to the full  applicability of the Constitution.  No longer will we be “Foreign in a  domestic sense” or “Belonging to, but not a part of.”  Under  Incorporation we will be “Domestic in every sense” and “Belonging to,  and a part of” the United States.  Other implications to consider are:
-  First, all laws that apply to the States that did not apply to the  territory will have to apply in order to achieve as much compatibility  with the States as possible since Congress will be obligated to treat  the incorporated territory with much deference and care.
-  Second, the Federal tax code can be incorporated into the territory.   This can be accomplished in phases, reflecting the economic realities of  the island as it evolves into a more prosperous economy.  This will  in-turn, entitle us to fully participate in most, if not all Federal  programs in a more equal footing with the States.  An alternative would  also be participating in Federal programs through bloc-grants aimed  specifically at creating jobs with fair pay comparable to the States;  tax incentives for corporations that commit to build our economy; fair  treatment of Puerto Rican consumers; investing and improving our  infrastructure; and promoting self-sufficiency and wealth at the  government and individual level.
- Third, incorporation  will also tighten the economic, social, and political ties of the island  to the rest of the country in ways the non-incorporated territory  (“Commonwealth”) currently does not.
We acknowledge that  “incorporation” as well as “non-incorporation” do not change the essence  of the territorial condition which bind them because, “under the  Commonwealth option, Puerto Rico would remain, as it is today, subject  to the Territory Clause of the
U.S. Constitution,” (Task  Force Report, March 2011, p. 26).   But, there are sound and valid  arguments that have convinced us that a legal change of status under the  territorial clause is not only practical, but also legitimate because  it reflects the desires of the majority of the electorate that wish to  be in a permanent relationship with the United States.  We must remember  that the Task Force recommendations keep the current status as a  legitimate alternative by default.  If they we are to include the  problem as a legitimate option, then we should at least consider the  possibility of reformulating it in a way that truly reflects the  aspirations of the majority of the Puerto Rican people – one that  ensures our permanent union with the States, and one that seeks closer  ties with the Union.
Consider that many polls have  consistently shown that the vast majority of island residents wish to  protect and retain their American citizenship.  The Task Force report  itself notes that “the Task Force’s engagement with Puerto Ricans  demonstrated that most of them value their U.S. citizenship enormously”  and that  “[a]ny status option that could conceivably result in the loss  of U.S. citizenship...would [sic] be viewed with hostility by the vast  majority of Puerto Ricans,” (Task Force Report, March 2011, p. 30).   Other polls have also shown that most Puerto Ricans, even those  sympathetic to the pro-Commonwealth Party, aspire to vote in U.S.  Presidential elections.  For example, according to a recent Poll  conducted by Stanford Clapper, 92% of those polled said U.S. citizenship  was important to them and 80% wished to vote in U.S. Presidential  elections.  Among them, 83% identified themselves with the Popular  Democratic Party, while 92% identified themselves with the pro-Statehood  New Progressive Party.
While incorporation will not  guarantee any of those two things, incorporation will certainly position  the island to achieve the things most Puerto Ricans consider important  enough to fight for and protect – namely, our permanent Union with the  United States and developing closer ties with the Union.
We  must make clear that the Incorporation option does not seek to  substitute Statehood as the best and most sound alternative to resolve  our status problem.  But if the ‘Territory’ (“Commonwealth”) option is  included as a ‘legitimate option’ to the people in any process chosen for a plebiscite on status, including  the one “marginally” preferred by the Task Force[1], or the one  approved by the New Progressive Party, then the ‘Territory’  (“Commonwealth”) option presented ought to reflect the desires of most  of the
population.  To many of us, the “Incorporated”[2] option is  the most sound because it seems to reflect what the majority of people  currently desire.
Detractors of this proposal must keep in  mind that even if Statehood wins, and Congress approves an enabling  Statehood bill – there will most likely be a transitional period.  That  transitional period will be nothing else than incorporation still  subject to the Territory Clause of the U.S. Constitution.  Many Status  Bills proposed in the past, both in the House and the Senate, have  included “transition periods” if Statehood is chosen.  While it is true  that there is a difference between transitional Incorporation and  Incorporation as a substitute of the status quo, I ask you, if we were  to have accepted the Murkowski Bill in 1998, for example, where would we  be today?  Certainly, our island would be closer to Statehood than it  currently is.
Most pro-permanent union leaders and voters  associated with the pro-Commonwealth party wish to form closer ties with  the U.S. but may currently have reservations concerning full  Statehood.  The “Incorporated Commonwealth” would be highly attractive  to these types of voters and if implemented, incorporation would  certainly address people’s concerns – and in time, they would likely  prefer full Statehood.
Let us envision the status quo as a  one lane highway that to some, may lead towards true permanent union  with the United States – what we propose is to construct a second lane  that can prepare the Puerto Rican people towards what the majority will  likely vote for in a near future in a more expedient and effective way –  and ensuring that what waits for us at the end of that road is true  permanent union and full equality by fait accompli.[3]
[1]  The Task Force “marginally” prefer a two (2) round process where the  electorate is asked if they wish to continue a relationship with the  United States, and the second, assuming “Yes” wins, will have Statehood  and Commonwealth as the only options to choose from.  If this is the  process chosen by the Board, we suggest either redefining the  Commonwealth from a non-incorporated one to a, incorporated one, or pass  on to another round asking the voters to choose between the two  territory status variants.
[2] For further analysis on the subject of incorporation and the Insular Cases, please see Consejo de Salud Playa de Ponce v. Rullan, 586 F. Supp. 2d 22 (2008).
[3] Something done that presumably cannot be reversed.
 
 
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