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viernes, 30 de marzo de 2012

McClintock calls for elimination of trade barriers between Puerto Rico and US mainland

Honorable Kenneth D. McClintock
Secretary of State of Puerto Rico
 Welcoming Remarks
Domestic Trade Roundtable Summit 2012
Puerto Rican Chamber of Commerce of Florida
Ponce, Puerto Rico
March 29, 2012


First, I would like to thank Elizabeth Cuevas-Neunder, Founder and CEO of the Puerto Rican Chamber of Commerce of Florida for having invited me to appear before you this evening. I am honored by the invitation and quite pleased to see among you so many friends…

Congratulations are also in order to Elizabeth who has done such a great job in developing the Chamber into an important tool for opening and developing trade between Florida and Puerto Rico.

Judging from the approximately 850,000 Puerto Ricans living in Florida one could say that the island is colonizing the American peninsula… and who could be surprised if, after all, Florida and the United States was discovered by a Puerto Rican…

I guess that chapter was not included in your history book… But I am speaking, of course, of Juan Ponce De León who, while being Governor of Puerto Rico, set out from the Island an expedition in search for the Fountain of Youth.

            To those of you who are looking at me in disbelief, you are right… Ponce De León was born in Spain, just as I was born in London. But… should place of birth disqualify Ponce De León or McClintock as a Puerto Rican? Of course not! He was, after all, the first Governor of Puerto Rico as I am its 22nd Secretary of State…

Not convinced? Think of California… Of the 38 governors of California, 29 were born in other states and two were born in Europe… Who would say that Arnold Schwarzenegger is not a “real citizen” of “Cahl-ifoh-nia”?

            There you have it… a historical tidbit that you may not have known about Florida and that you can proudly pass to your friends and business partners when you return home.
            When I address business and professional organizations that visit the Island, I usually extoll on the many attributes that make Puerto Rico such a great place to invest and do business... in sum, on why Puerto Rico Does it Better. But I was to do that with you, I would be preaching to the choir.

            One of the key reasons why the Puerto Rico consumer market is so attractive to Florida businesses is that Puerto Rico is the only U.S. territory which is included in the customs area of the United States together with the 50 States of the Union and the District of Columbia.

            There is, however, a barrier to the free flow of trade between Puerto Rico and the rest of the United States which hurts both Florida and Puerto Rico. And that is the requirement of filing Electronic Export Information (EEI) —previously known as the Shipper’s Export Declaration— for shipments between the States and Puerto Rico which is contained in the Foreign Trade Statistics Regulations (FTSR) and administered by the U.S. Census Bureau.

Inasmuch as commerce between Puerto Rico and the States is interstate rather than foreign commerce, it is unwarranted to impose a requirement that is designed to enable the Census Bureau to compile foreign trade statistics and various federal agencies to enforce laws relating to exporting. Moreover, continuing to impose the EEI requirement would make Puerto Rico’s participation in the U.S. Customs area and the application of the Constitution’s Commerce Clause to Puerto Rico virtually meaningless.

Among the key purposes of the Commerce Clause is to promote an American common market system and thereby foster economic growth. However, requiring EEI filings is tantamount to placing a boundary that separates Puerto Rico from the rest of the nation to the detriment of the Islands’ economic well-being.

Complying with that requirement not only adds a cost that increases the price of many goods, but also imposes an unnecessary burden on interstate commerce that restricts the flow of trade within the U.S.

The EEI barrier also impedes some businesses —particularly, shipping companies— from affording Puerto Rico shipping rates that are comparable to those offered for other U.S. destinations.


Moreover, consumers in Puerto Rico should be entitled to receive from the businesses that benefit from the American common market —including the protection provided by the Commerce Clause against discrimination by States— the same treatment as consumers in the States and D.C.

            By means of your participation in the election of the President and your representation in the House and the Senate, as residents of Florida you have the means to influence federal policy-making in ways that are not available to the American citizens of Puerto Rico.

            My plea to you this evening is that you exert that influence so that the U.S. Commerce Department takes the necessary steps to amend the Foreign Trade Statistics Regulations so that EEI is no longer required for goods shipped between the States and Puerto Rico.

            Trade is not a zero-sum game… It is a win-win relationship were both parties to a transaction benefit. And by doing away with the EEI requirement for shipments to the Island, both Florida and Puerto Rico will benefit.

Thank you very much.

domingo, 13 de noviembre de 2011

McClintock remarks at SOMOS Winter Conference 2011

 Keynote remarks
prepared for delivery by
Kenneth D. McClintock
Puerto Rico Secretary of State
SOMOS 2011 Winter Conference
San Juan, Puerto Rico
Veterans Day 2011

Amigas y amigos puertorriqueños... hermanas y hermanos hispanos.  Although I could continue speaking in Spanish, for the benefit of the “culturally-impaired”, I’ll continue in English!

First, I would like to thank SOMOS for their kind invitation… I am very pleased to have been asked to speak at the Puerto Rican/Hispanic Task Force Winter Conference. But I do not want to speak long…

Rather than having you listen to my concerns and my opinions, I would like this to be an opportunity to exchange views… to discuss issues… and to strengthen ties with the members of the larger Hispanic community in New York porque nosotros los puertorriqueños somos solidarios con nuestras hermanas y hermanos hispanos.

I would like this to become more of a town hall meeting than a dinner keynote because a town hall meeting helps to bring together the members of the community, however diverse the community is —and, let’s face it, it’s Friday night and who wants to listen to me talking for forty minutes on end…

Latinos are a diverse group, but whether we are from Mexico, Central America, Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, or South America, we are bound together not only by our common history and cultural heritage but also by our concerns and interests… by the goals and objectives that we share.

By bringing together the members of the community, we raise awareness about our common concerns and interests and help foster Hispanic leadership in this great Nation of ours.

A town hall is also the seat of local government… and a town hall meeting is perhaps the best example of participatory and representative democracy in America… Therefore, it would be fitting to begin my remarks by talking about an issue that is at the heart of what representative democracy means…

Hispanics are taking an active part in all areas of endeavor and every institution of our democratic society.

Hispanics are having an ever growing influence in the arts and culture, and we are seeing more and more Hispanics in the national media.

Our purchasing power has also been increasing and we are in the marketing plan of every major company in the United States. In 2009, Hispanics accounted for more than 9% of total buying power, compared to less than 4% in 1980. The buying power of Hispanics exceeded $1 trillion in 2010, and the population includes a significant number of high-income households.

We are doing better in business. Hispanics in the United States have been opening businesses at a rate that is three times as fast as the national average. We are driving economic growth and creating jobs.

Make no mistake about it. Immigrants, and the sons and daughters of immigrants, helped to build this great Nation of ours and Hispanics will help to bring this Nation out of recession.

And, more Hispanics become appointed to key positions in the federal government such as the Director of the Office of Intergovernmental Affairs at The White House.

Cecilia Muñoz, the highest-ranking Hispanic in the Executive Office of The President, oversees the Obama Administration’s relationships with state and local governments. She has done an extraordinary job at keeping Puerto Rico issues at the top of the agendas of cabinet members. Not only does she lead and follow-through, but she is also available at all times. And I can tell you from my experience in government that finding all three is not a common sight at that high level.

Had it not been for her, President Obama probably wouyld not have broken last June 14th the 49 and a half year spell of Presidents not visiting Puerto Rico.  While she doesn’t have a pilot’s license, she was certainly the driving force when Air Force One flew over our skies five months ago!

But in the White House, she’s not only in charge of Puerto Rico-related issues although we like to see her that way here, but in charge of relations with all local governments and intergovernmental organizations, such as the National Governors Association, the National Conference of State Legislatures,  the Council of State Governments that I chaired 13 years ago and, among others, two I’m now active in, the National Lieutenant Governors Association as well as the National Association of Secretaries of State.   And they all speak highly of Cecilia.

Other Hispanics providing leadership in the Obama administration come to mind among which are: Ambassador Carlos Pascual, Special Envoy and Coordinator for International Energy Affairs at the State Department; Julissa Reynoso, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs who was recently appointed as U.S. Ambassador to Paraguay; Anna Gómez, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Commerce for Communications and Information; Bill Ramos, Director of Intergovernmental Affairs at the Office of the Secretary of Commerce; and James Albino, Program Manager at the Office of National AIDS Policy of The White House.

Yet Hispanics, including Puerto Ricans, are still underrepresented in politics.  In the case of Puerto Ricans who live in the Islands it is not a question of under-representation, but rather of lack of representation.

The nearly 4 million American citizens that reside in Puerto Rico… 4 million Latinos… have no proportional or voting representation in the U.S. House of Representatives… no representation whatsoever in the U.S. Senate and no direct participation in the election of the President and Vice President.

While Congress adopts legislation that the American citizens of Puerto Rico must abide, our only representation in Congress is a Resident Commissioner in the House that cannot vote on the floor.  And our only participation in the election of the President is choosing the delegates to the national political party conventions. This is simply undemocratic.

I make no secret of the fact that I favor Puerto Rico becoming a State---if you didn’t get that in the panel discussion this afternoon, you must’ve been on the beach! But this is not about political status preferences or party politics. This goes to the heart of democracy. Let me quote from three lifelong advocates of Puerto Rico’s current political status known as “commonwealth” or “estado libre asociado”.

In February 2002 former Governor Sila Calderón was interviewed by the South Florida Sun-Sentinel about a voting registration drive the Government of Puerto Rico was conducting in the States and which she described as “an effort to empower Puerto Ricans politically so that they can be a voice in the issues that affect them.”

Regarding the situation of Puerto Ricans in the Islands, Governor Calderon said:
We need a solution to this problem of lack of representation.
Which particular solution at this point, I cannot tell you. But it is something we must deal with because there are so many (U.S.) laws that apply to Puerto Rico in which we have no representation and no participation.

Former Governor Aníbal Acevedo Vilá, in his remarks at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy’s School of Government on April 26th 2002 —he was Resident Commissioner at the time— referred to “the problem of the current democratic asymmetry in the US-Puerto Rico relationship”, recognizing the existence of the same problem: that we have no participation in the decisions that are made in Washington.

Former Governor Rafael Hernández-Colón, published an article in the 1998 July/August edition of Foreign Affairs magazine entitled, “Doing Right by Puerto Rico: Congress Must Act.”  In that article, he made the following assertion: “All factions do agree on the need to end the present undemocratic arrangement, whereby Puerto Rico is subject to the laws of Congress but cannot vote in it [emphasis provided].”

At Harvard, Governor Acevedo Vilá spoke of building a new consensus, but it seems that we are already before a strong one. The current political status is unacceptable and we need to give the people a full self-government choice.

Has Congress lived-up to its responsibility in making possible that choice? No. On three occasions the U.S. Senate had the opportunity to take action on bills passed in the House —in 1998 with H.R. 856; in 2007 with H.R. 900; and in 2010 H.R. 2499— but didn’t.

And because Congress has failed to take action to solve Puerto Rico’s political status problem, Hispanics are losing the opportunity to have a larger and more powerful voice in our Nation’s Capital.  Think of this: if Puerto Rico were a State, Hispanics would have two more Senators and five more Representatives in Congress. And, would immigration reform be held-up in a Congress with a full delegation of Senators and Representatives from Puerto Rico? I don’t think so!

It is not that Congress has failed to give sufficient consideration to this question.  During the last 20 years Congress has devoted a prodigious amount of time to discuss the question Puerto Rico’s political status.  But the time spent on hearings did not translate into a law to provide the American citizens of Puerto Rico the opportunity to choose among status options that are constitutionally sound, politically viable, and involve a full measure of self-government.

In fact, during the one hundred and twelve years after the annexation of Puerto Rico, Congress did not sponsor a single plebiscite to resolve the Islands’ political status.

Let me quote once more from former Governor Hernández Colón’s article in FOREIGN AFFAIRS:
“It is morally unacceptable, unfair, and harmful to Puerto Rico and the United States for Congress to relegate the issue to business as usual —that is, do nothing, wait for a Puerto Rican initiative, play with it for a while but take no action, wait for the next initiative, and repeat the cycle.  Such insensitivity undermines Puerto Rico’s capacity for self-government, inflicts considerable hardship on its society, and drains the U.S. Treasury.”

We could not keep waiting for Congress. That is why the administration of Governor Fortuño has taken action to establish a two-step process by which the people of Puerto Rico can choose a final and permanent political status with full self-government.

The first step will be a referendum to be held on August 12, 2012. Voters will be asked whether they want to maintain the current status under the territorial clause of the U.S. Constitution or whether they prefer a non-territorial option.

If more voters choose a non-territorial option, a plebiscite would take place on the same day as the general election in November 6, 2012, giving voters the three status options recognized by the U.N. General Assembly as full-self-government choices: statehood, independence or free association.

At the heart of this issue is that the founders of this Nation meant for the citizenship of the United States to be a source of equal rights but that four million American citizens who reside in Puerto Rico do not have the same rights as those who live in the States.

If citizenship is to truly be a source of equal rights in America, Puerto Rico’s political status must change. The options are obvious: either the people of Puerto Rico continue to be American citizens with all its rights and responsibilities under statehood or they achieve separate sovereignty be it under complete independence or a compact of free association with the United States.

Some may ask, why am I addressing this? I’ll tell you… Because Puerto Ricans in the States and in the Islands need to stand together…

…because Puerto Ricans in the Islands and Latinos in the States are part of the same fabric…

…because Puerto Rico’s political status problem diminishes the political power of Hispanics in the States.

…and because the voting and representation rights that Puerto Rican’s in the Islands lack underscore the value of the exercising the rights that you have in the States.

To those Puerto Ricans who live in the States; I would like to ask: Do you feel boricua? Of course you do… You don’t feel any less boricua because you can vote.

Los boricuas en la Isla y en los estados ya estamos unidos por la identidad de la cultura; es hora que también estemos unidos por el poder del voto. Y, cuando todos los puertorriqueños —los de aquí y los de allá— tengamos el poder del voto, entonces sí que nadie podrá detenernos.

For now, Puerto Ricans who live in the Islands cannot vote to elect Senators or Representatives to Congress and cannot vote to elect the President but those of you who live in the States can and should vote.

Voting is not an option but a necessary and fundamental part of being a citizen in a democratic society and if you are registered to vote not only are you equipped to further you own goals and objectives… but can also be solidarios with the members of the community to which we belong —con nuestras hermanas y hermanos hispanos.

Can your vote make a difference? The answer is an unequivocal and resounding yes!

History provides many examples of how a single vote changed the course of entire nations.  Let me give you an example. Most of us would not conceive of this country without Texas being a part of it, but Texas may not have been admitted into the Union if it was not because of the vote of a farmer in the backwoods of Switzerland County, Indiana, named Freeman Clark.

On Election Day in 1844 Freeman Clark laid seriously ill in bed. He begged his sons to carry him to the county seat so he could vote for David Kelso, the Democratic candidate for the State Senate. Clark owed him. David Kelso had defended Clark on a murder charge and obtained his acquittal. The old farmer got to vote for Kelso but Clark died on his way back home. Guess what? Kelso won the election by one vote…

In 1844 when the new Indiana Senate convened, Democrats had a majority of one —counting, you guessed it, David Kelso. At that time, State senates had the task of electing the States' delegation to the U.S. Senate. The Indiana Senate Democrats held a caucus where a majority of the party delegation favored a man who would vote against the annexation of Texas if elected to the U.S. Senate. David Kelso refused to vote for the Democratic Party choice and a deadlock resulted between the Democratic and Whig candidates. The impasse continued for days. Finally, Kelso made his move. He proposed a new candidate: Edward A. Hannigan. In his party caucus, Kelso notified his Democratic colleagues he would bolt and vote with the Whigs —thus electing a Whig to the U.S. Senate— unless the Democrats supported Hannigan. The Democrats felt constrained to accept Hannigan who was then elected as U.S. Senator for the State of Indiana by one vote —that of David Kelso.

In 1845, Texas was admitted to the Union as a State by one vote —that of Edward A. Hannigan from Indiana. California too was admitted to the Union by a margin of one vote in 1850.

In the 1960 presidential election, one more vote per precinct in the states of Illinois, Missouri, New Jersey, and Texas may have altered the course of America's modern history by denying John F. Kennedy the presidency and placing Richard Nixon in the White House 8 years earlier.

In 1962, the governors of Maine, Rhode Island, and North Dakota were all elected by a margin of one vote per precinct.

Your vote makes a difference and registering to vote is easy.  What is most exciting is that Latinos are one of the fastest growing ethnic groups in the United States and they have the potential of transforming the electoral landscape of this country next November as the nation elects the next President of the United States.  In fact, many analysts predict that the presidential race in 2011 will turn on how Latinos vote in several key States.

If one vote can change the course of a nation’s history, just imagine the unrealized potential for change as millions of Hispanic men and women cast their votes.

However, Latinos will only realize their true political potential in this democratic society if you are registered to vote and go to polls. Your vote will make a difference in this country next November.

I will not take more time… As I said, I want to listen to your views.  I would like to close by thanking you for this extraordinary opportunity… gracias por la oportunidad de dirigirme a ustedes… and we look forward to strengthening our ties to Latinos in New York as we endeavor to increase and improve the participation of Hispanics in America.¡Juntos podemos alcanzar nuestras metas y juntos triunfaremos!

Ahora me gustaría escuchar sus comentarios y responder a sus preguntas.  Así que los que tengan preguntas o comentarios por favor levanten la mano.

sábado, 13 de agosto de 2011

Response to Puerto Rico's Financial and Economic Crisis

Honorable Kenneth D. McClintock
Secretary of State of Puerto Rico
Remarks at the
The America’s Minority Leadership Global Summit 2011

The Government of Puerto Rico’s Response
to the Financial and Economic Crisis

Key Largo, Florida

August 13, 2011

First, I would like to thank Doug Mayorga, Founder and National Director of The Minority Chamber of Commerce, for having invited me to appear before you today. I am honored by the invitation and quite pleased to have come across friends in government and business some of whom date back from the time that, as a legislator, I had roles to play in the Council of State Governments (CSG) and the Parliamentary Conference of the Americas (COPA).

Congratulations are also in order to Doug —who, by the way, grew-up in Puerto Rico. He has done a great job in developing the Chamber into an influential business and professional organization not only across the United States but also in Latin America focusing on the importance of multicultural markets.

¿Didn’t you know that Doug grew-up in Puerto Rico? Then you might be also surprised to learn that the Florida Keys were discovered by a Puerto Rican… I am speaking, of course, of Juan Ponce De León who, while being Governor of Puerto Rico, set out from the Island on an expedition in search for the Fountain of Youth.

To those of you who are looking at me in disbelief, you are right… Ponce De León was born in Spain, just as I was born in London. But… should place of birth disqualify Ponce De León or McClintock as a Puerto Rican? Of course not! He was, after all, the first Governor of Puerto Rico as I am its 22nd Secretary of State…

Not convinced? Think of California… Of the 38 governors of California, 29 were born in other states and two were born in Europe… Who would say that Arnold Schwarzenegger is not a “real citizen” of “Cahl-ifoh-nia”?


There you have it… a historical tidbit that you may not have known about the Florida Keys.

Now, seriously, let me share with you the perspective of Puerto Rico on meeting the challenges presented by a global financial crisis and a worldwide economic recession.

These are difficult times to do what is needed the most: attract investment and create jobs —and the competition is fierce among state and local governments— but we are confident about what Puerto Rico has to
offer with its unique political, geographical and cultural attributes.

Located at the crossroads of the Americas, and with bilingual and bicultural U.S. citizens, Puerto Rico is not only where the United States and Latin America meet but also where the United States becomes a Caribbean nation.

Puerto Rico has been a territory of the United States since 1898 and, together with the 50 States of the Union and the District of Columbia, comprises the Customs Area of the United States —the only U.S. territory having this attribute.

I see a large representation of Colombian entrepreneurs at the Summit and before you ask… Yes, Puerto Rico is a part of the United States and investing or doing business in the Island may qualify you for an E-1 Treaty Trader Visa or E-2 Treaty Investor Visa.

Puerto Rico’s participation in the U.S. market —together with our cultural and geographic attributes— position our Islands as an ideal platform to export to Latin America and to capture the growing Hispanic market in the United States.

To reach Hispanic customers in the United States, and Latin American customers in Central and South America, one needs not only to speak Spanish but also to understand how Hispanics and Latin Americans think. Puerto Ricans are not only bilingual but also bicultural. Culturally and linguistically, Puerto Rican bankers, accountants, and other service professionals are completely comfortable doing business virtually anywhere in the Americas: from Anchorage to Antofagasta, putting Puerto Rico in an advantageous position of facilitating access to most markets in the Western Hemisphere.

Because of these attributes, no jurisdiction of the United States is better equipped than Puerto Rico to reach those markets. And we are ready to do business too… because we have managed to accomplish one of the most impressive turnarounds out of the financial crisis with which many states of the Union are just starting to handle.

Let’s take brief look back at the enormous challenges we confronted two years ago.

When Governor-elect Luis Fortuño appointed me to head his Transition Committee, we suspected we would inherit a deficit of no less than $800 million and no more than $1.2 billion. By the time we were sworn in on January 2, 2009, we had discovered that the deficit —$3.3 billion— was the largest in the Nation —far bigger proportionately than California’s. We were spending $1.45 for every dollar of revenue. As you know, there is not one business that can operate with such a deficit.

Furthermore, in January 2009, Puerto Rico had more public sector employees than any other state except for California and New York —a bloated bureaucracy that our taxpayers simply could not afford.

Even before being sworn-in, the Governor had to meet with Wall Street credit agencies to plead for some breathing space before they downgraded us into becoming the first state government in the United States to hit junk-bond status —a hole from which it would take us well over a decade to emerge. Within two days after being sworn in, Governor Fortuño began making rather painful but necessary decisions that other state governments, the Federal governments and foreign countries have later taken.

We have cut spending by $2 billion and to do that we were forced to lay off 12,656 employees —nearly 7% of our workforce.

During the past two years, we have brought down that 45% deficit to a more manageable 11%, on our way to achieve a balanced budget by next year.

However, recognizing the fiscal and economic crisis are not solved with spending cuts alone, Governor Fortuño began turning Puerto Rico in a much more attractive business location.

We have enacted the most effective Public Private Partnership Law in the Nation, if not the world. Learning from the mistakes of others, we have created a specialized Public Private Partnership Authority. We have partnered with our Legislature from day one, with two of the Authority’s board members representing that branch of government, and thus avoided the final legislative ratification process that has killed so many P3 alternatives, such as the Pennsylvania Turnpike concession. We have five ongoing P3 initiatives: a 100-school building and modernization program, water system customer service improvements, private operation of our tollway highway system, electric generating plant conversion, and the private operation and development of the Caribbean’s largest airport.

We have streamlined our red-tape laden permitting process, which now boils down to one single comprehensive permit from one single agency.

We have enacted several energy incentives laws, promoting green jobs, a new mega casino law, as well as many other pro-business initiatives.

As everywhere, our real estate market was stagnant and property values decreased —although nowhere near as South Florida’s but a decrease nonetheless. To spur housing sales in September 2010 Governor Fortuño put in place an unprecedented incentives program that has helped to reduce our unsold real estate inventory. So if you want a nice beachside Caribbean property in the U.S. at a good price, with subsidized closing costs, reduced or no property taxes for 5 years, and no capital gains you still have until October 31st to take advantage of our incentives. There's an extensive write-up on this program in today's Wall Street Journal.

Recently, Governor Fortuño enacted the biggest, most comprehensive, fairest, and most beneficial tax reform in the history of Puerto Rico which is already leaving more than $1.2 billion dollars in the taxpayer’s pockets. It includes a 7 to 15% tax cut retroactive to January 1, 2010, and future tax cuts totaling 50% for individuals and 30% for businesses in the next 5 years.

I believe I mentioned that Governor-elect Fortuño asked Wall Street for some breathing space so he could try saving Puerto Rico from falling into the abyss of junk bond status. Well… he did it!

When Governor Fortuño took office Puerto Rico’s Moody’s rating for Puerto Rico’s credit was Baa3, or one notch above junk bond status. In June 2010 Moody’s recalibrated the rating of Puerto Rico general obligation bonds by three notches to A3 —the highest level the Island had achieved in more than 35 years. The three-notch hike was also the highest improvement Moody’s gave to any of the 34 states whose ratings it upgraded, with California being the only other state to enjoy a three-notch improvement.

On December 2010, Standard and Poor’s changed its outlook on Puerto Rico’s credit to “positive” —the first time to do so in over a quarter century, since 1983. And also on December 2010 Moody’s reported that in October 2010 Puerto Rico had its best economic month in 4 years.

We have certainly rescued Puerto Rico’s credit. Through this accomplishment we have not only saved our taxpayers millions of dollars, but we have also saved the jobs and protected the homes, IRA accounts, and savings of tens of thousands of citizens the value of which would have plummeted if Puerto Rico had gone bankrupt.


In fact, I am pleased to say that in matters of managing well the taxpayer’s money, we are ahead of 31 States. At the beginning of our administration, the $3.3 billion deficit that we inherited was the worse among the 50 States and Puerto Rico. Today, we rank 20th. Thirty-one states now have deficits that are worse than ours. And for the fiscal year that began a month ago, we will rank 15th among all the states and Puerto Rico.

Why is it important that governments manage well their budgets? First, because governments should respect the taxpayer. And second, because it allows governments to do more of the things it should do such as hire special education teachers, pay overtime to police officers, provide help to single-mothers, repair highways, and so on…

As you will remember, during the first two years, due to the enormous deficit we inherited, we had to cut back government expenses. But for the fiscal year that begins next July 1st things are already doing better. Although we still have a deficit, we have slightly more resources in order to provide citizens with more and better basic services —particularly in the areas of public safety, health and education, which have the highest priority.

How is this possible? Why do we have this year a little more resources than last year? Well, it is simple. The economy is improving. We have been seeing it in all the economic indicators.
The Government Development Bank’s (GDB) Index of Economic Activity (IEA) had the second consecutive monthly increase since October 2010.

Between May 6, 2011 and June 6, 2011, a total of 1,477 new corporations were organized which means a 33% increase when compared with the same time period in 2010. As of yesterday, those numbers had doubled to over 2,900 new corporations.

Retail sales increased by nearly 2% and auto sales increased by over 17% from last year, which indicate that consumer confidence has improved.

As The Wall Street Journal reports this morning, from September 2010 to April 2010 sales of new residential properties increased by 75% and sales of existing properties increased by over 12%.

Exports increased by 14.8% and imports by 3.3% from last year which suggests an improvement in the manufacturing sector.

In April 2011 the unemployment rate showed an interannual decrease of 0.7% bringing it down to 16.2%.

From August 2010 to April 2011 non-agricultural employment increased by 9,000 jobs —the first employment increase since 2006 when the recession began.

In May 2011 we observed an interannual reduction of 14% in bankruptcy filings —the second consecutive month with a reduction.

From January to May 2011 hotel occupation increased by 3.83% to 77.08% when compared to the same period last year.

In 2010 the volume of air passengers increased 4% and the volume of homeport cruise passengers increased over 21% to 545,000 —the highest level in five years.

…and these are only some of the economic indicators.

In fact, the Planning Board’s official projections indicate that this fiscal year our economy will grow for the first time in five years, since our government was shut down in 2006, long before Minnessota.

As a result, Treasury collections will be higher. Although we have lowered taxes to leave more money in tax payers’ pockets, the General Fund net revenue projection for this fiscal year is 6.4% higher than the previous fiscal year.

Part of that revenue increase is due to a temporary excise tax on offshore companies, which now enables them to contribute a little more to our economic recovery, without affecting their operations or the jobs they create in Puerto Rico, as confirmed by a ruling recently issued by federal Department of Treasury.

We will also see a 20% increase in sales and use tax (SUT) and excise tax revenues related to commercial activity. Why? Precisely because the economy is improving… the consumer is already feeling more confident about the fact that things are getting better. And now consumers feel that they can buy a new car, purchase home appliances, or make some home repairs.

Despite all of these successes, last Monday we suffered a minor setback… Moody’s downgraded the general obligation rating of Puerto Rico one notch from A3 to Baa1 due to the severely underfunded retirement systems for government employees that we inherited from the two previous administrations —which we are now in the process of reforming. A negative outlook was also given because of the potential impact the financial situation of the government pension systems may have on the general fund and the concern that the needed reforms might be challenging for the Government of Puerto Rico —actually, any government— to undertake.

Because of this recalibration, some have questioned our unwavering commitment to reducing the government deficit, controlling spending, and adhering to conservative revenue estimation practices. But sometimes setbacks put in perspective how far we have advanced. Had we not taken the difficult decisions we took, at the time we took them, Puerto Rico’s credit rating would have now hit junk bond status with disastrous consequences. We are standing at a comfortably safe distance from the abyss that others are facing. Even with this downward adjustment our credit rating by Moody’s is still two levels or categories above what we encountered when our administration came into office.

Has Moody’s recent downward adjustment affected the confidence of investors in Puerto Rico? Absolutely not. As Ricardo Faerman, President of CEO-América mentioned earlier today, last Wednesday the Government Development Bank of Puerto Rico successfully sold more than $1 billion in bonds –$756 million for 21st Century Schools sold in the local market and $304 million of Public Buildings Authority bonds sold in the stateside market. Actually, the sale was oversubscribed by nearly $200 million because the Government Development Bank received requests for purchases of $950 million for the originally scheduled sale of $756 million. This is undoubtedly a vote of confidence.

Puerto Rico’s credit continues to be at the highest level it has been in decades thanks to the actions our administration has taken to straighten our finances and lead our economy towards a sustainable recovery.

I hope that you are already convinced that now is the time to take a look at opportunities in this U.S. miracle within Latin America and the Caribbean which is fast becoming an example on how to turn an economy around.

I could go on, but will conclude my remarks here so that we can have some time for questions and answers.

Thank you very much.

jueves, 28 de julio de 2011

Economic Impact of a U.S. Default



By Julio A. Cabral Corrada
Cornell '13 - PRSSA

"Pathetic”. This is the word James Gorman, CEO of Morgan Stanley, used yesterday during his remarks at a firmwide forum to describe the lack of common sense in Washington. As one of the World’s best financial minds, Mr. Gorman questioned with disappointment the capacity of our “leaders” to truly understand the economic consequences of their inability to compromise. Following the conference meeting, I went straight to my desk in the trading floor.

As I watched in my Bloomberg Terminal all the World markets (which are the engine and best indices of our economy) plummet, I acknowledged there were immediate consequences far more pivotal than a default, tax issues, and election concerns (the three topics emphasized by the politicians and the media). Thus, I decided to challenge on the subject one of my bosses and mentor, Matt Berke, who happens to be a Cornell guy and the Global Head of Equity Risk Management. His response was simple: “You do it. Research, Analyze and Facts. It should be by 10:00 pm on the desk.”

Thus, after completing a full detailed report last night by 8:33pm, I thought I could share a brief abstract of my analysis, which delineates the economic impact a default on our debt could have on our financial system. As many of you have read, President Barack Obama’s administration, Democrats and Republicans in Congress have been locked in a standoff for months over what kind of deficit-cutting measures should be tied to an increase in the nation’s $14.3 trillion debt ceiling. Tim Geithner, Secretary of the Treasury, has said the U.S. exhausts its borrowing authority on August 2 (which is next Tuesday!) and risks going into default.

This senseless political wrangling may cost the U.S. its AAA rating, adding $100 billion a year to government costs while dragging down our economic growth. A U.S. credit-rating cut would likely raise the nation’s borrowing costs by increasing Treasury yields by 60 to 70 basis points over the medium term. "Standard & Poor’s, which has given the U.S. a solid ranking since 1941, reiterated exactly one week ago that the chance of a downgrade is 50 percent in the next three months and may happen as soon as August", mentioned the credit agency.

If this were to occur, it will have a critical impact on treasury rates. Those $100 billion a year I mentioned before are capital being used for higher interest rates, and that’s money being taken away from other goods and services of the nation. Also,Treasury yields indicate that investors are favoring bank or company debt over treasuries, raising concerns of the credibility of government debt.

The short-term effect on treasuries of a downgrade would be about 5 to 10 basis points, because few asset managers would be forced to sell these treasuries. "Yields on benchmark 10-year notes fell five basis points, or 0.05 percentage points, to 2.95 percent today. That compares with an average of 4.03 percent since 2001", according to a Morgan Stanley report. The TED spread, the difference between what lenders and the U.S. government pay to borrow for three months, narrowed to 18.7 basis points yesterday, the least since March.

Therefore, as we make borrowing more expensive we are diverting tax dollars to interest payments. In other words, there is less money out there! Since it is more expensive to borrow money, then our economy does not grow (that is why the Federal Reserve has kept interest so low since the financial crisis using quantitative easing—so people can cheaply borrow money and spend more, ultimately stimulating our economy). THEN, if interest rates pick up too much then everyone will suffer. From the homeowner with a mortgage to the student with a college loan, interest rates will rise for everyone. This will hurt the pocket of all families!

Furthermore, and to top it off, I should state that the U.S. unemployment rate rose for a third straight month in June to 9.2 percent, pointing to an economy lacking momentum entering the second half of the year. Employers added 18,000 workers to payrolls, the fewest in nine months.

This is the picture which politicians, the media, and many across America are missing. I hope this helps clarify some doubts about the impact a default will have on our economy. Hopefully, in a near future we will have more intellectually prepared public servers that can make responsible legislation and public policy. This nation needs people with a common sense, not those who want to play partisan politics. The people deserve better. Tomorrow (Thursday) will shall see if a bill is passed.
Have a good one!

jueves, 7 de julio de 2011

Economic inequality and its negative effects on society (Part 1)

By : DR. PEDRO ROSSELLÓ / caribbeanbusiness

Edition: July 7, 2011
(This is the first of a three-part series)

"We can have a democratic society, or we can have wealth concentrated in the hands of a few; but we cannot have both." -Louis Brandeis

Recently, CARIBBEAN BUSINESS presented a plan for the economic development of Puerto Rico (June 9). In considering any general plan for economic development, let me suggest a fundamental element that should be included as a pillar of any plan: the issue of inequality.

In our public discourse, we have thoroughly argued the problems that political inequality can generate. At times, we have touched upon the hardships created when social inequality arbitrarily limits citizens' mobility within a society. But we have yet to fully ascertain the threats and challenges that economic inequality could pose for our contemporary society in Puerto Rico.

Economic disparity can be considered one of the greatest impediments to achieving a fair and prosperous society. There is ample empirical evidence and two basic premises driving this theory, the first being that a more equitable society is a better society. Implicit herein is the philosophy that a market economy should be driven not only by crude economic principles, but also by considerations of fairness, justice and care for the social environment.

The second premise is that increasing material economic standards does not always translate into a better quality of life for citizens. Historically, we have equated an increase in economic standards with a "better" life, presupposing that economic growth was the engine of prosperity. But recent studies point to the reality that prosperity through economic growth has all but stopped in the richest countries, and only continues to be an important factor in poor developing countries.

There is extreme economic inequality in our world today. The 400 richest people on the planet possess as much wealth as do the 3 billion in the world with the lowest incomes, who survive on less than $2 per day, per individual. Between 1987 and 1993, the population with an income of less than $1 a day grew by 100 million, reaching a total of 1.3 billion. By the beginning of this 21st century, the concentration of wealth was so unequal that 85% of the world's population represented only 7% of the world's markets.

The most structured index to measure inequality is the Gini coefficient, employed by the United Nations, which ranks countries on a scale from zero (0) [denoting the country with the most equality] to one (1) [denoting the greatest level of inequality].

Using this system, Namibia (0.707) ranks as the country with the highest inequality, while Japan (0.249) shows the greatest level of equality. Latin American and Caribbean nations rank among those with greater inequality: Bolivia, 0.601; Paraguay, 0.589; Colombia, 0.586; Brazil, 0.590; Panama, 0.561; Haiti, 0.592; and the Dominican Republic, 0.516. There is no official metric for Cuba. On the European front, Spain (0.347) and France (0.327) run close to Canada (0.376) and Australia (0.352) in terms of equality, while the Northern European nations of Sweden (0.250), Finland (0.269) and Denmark (0.257) follow right behind Japan as the world's most egalitarian societies.

In the United States we see a significant level of inequality, with a worrisome growth trend. After 1929, when the Gini coefficient was first reported at 0.450, the nation reached its highest level of equality in 1968 (0.386). Since the 1970s, the lowest level of equality was recorded in 2006 (0.470), stabilizing in 2009 (0.468). By 1995, 1% of the U.S. population controlled 47% of the wealth. After that, the government deregulation and free-market policies that existed between 1995 and 1999 allowed 86% of market gains to go to the richest 10%. At the time, just 1% of the population (2.7 million) owned as much wealth as the 100 million Americans with the lowest incomes.

In addition, over the three decades prior to 2000, the average income of American taxpayers went down 7%, while the income of the richest 1% rose by 148%...and the top 0.1% saw their income grow by 343%!

Regarding Puerto Rico, we could be forgiven for thinking that, as the territory with the lowest income per capita and greatest level of unemployment, it would have the greatest level of equality. Not so. In 2006 and 2007, our island had the highest level of inequality under the U.S. flag, with a Gini of 0.536 and 0.544, respectively. By municipality, Mayagüez (0.599) and San Juan (0.582) showed greater inequality; while Bayamón (0.462) and Toa Baja (0.479) showed less.
What effect might these inequities have on the quality of life of our people?
There is a proven correlation between levels of illness and social problems and levels of inequality. For a given level of income, it is better to live in a more egalitarian place. Egalitarian societies tend to be healthier—there is less infant mortality, longer life expectancy and less mental illness. They also report less usage of illicit substances, less incidence of violence, fewer teenage pregnancies, and higher levels of academic achievement. On this last point, it has already been established that academic achievement depends on the equality gradient of a society—the greater the equality, the higher the general level of education.

Conversely, inequality tends to render countries and jurisdictions socially dysfunctional across an entire spectrum of indicators. A quick glance over recent local headlines reveals serious signs of social dysfunction: escalating crime and violence, decreasing academic performance and education levels, and unremitting examples of public- and private-sector corruption.
All these realities point to an undeniable fact: The optimal development of a society is achieved as its citizens become ever more equal. So equality becomes far more than a moral question regarding how to behave as a society; it becomes a practical matter of allowing the most favorable advancement of our people.

What can we do to mitigate this alarming inequality? Which public policies could drive us to achieve greater equality, and therefore greater justice and progress?
We shall address these important questions in our next column.

domingo, 8 de mayo de 2011

Un análisis económico impactante

Por Kenneth D. McClintock Hernández
Secretario de Estado de Puerto Rico

Durante los pasados 40 años, desde que tenía 13 años de edad, he participado en literalmente centenares de foros y conferencias relacionados con el status politico de Puerto Rico, inicialmente como miembro de la audiencia y, en la mayor parte de las ocasiones, como orador o panelista. En la mayor parte de las ocasiones, el contenido es repetitivo o una versión mejorada de esencialmente la misma información o argumentación. La ponencia del doctor Carlos Colón De Armas, “The Economic Aspects of the Political Status of Puerto Rico and other Fallacies”, como panelista junto a mí y otros en un evento en el Congreso auspiciado por el Center for Puerto Rican Equality Advancement (CPREA) fue la excepción a la regla, al presentar datos y análisis que nunca había visto antes.

Aunque la discusión de aspectos económicos tiende a ser árida, compleja y complicada, el profesor Colón De Armas presentó un análisis novel que resultó entendible a más de un centenar de asesores congresionales, puertorriqueños residentes en la Capital federal y otras personas interesadas en el status de Puerto Rico que asistieron al foro.

El análisis prueba, sin lugar a dudas que la Sección 936, lejos de ayudar a Puerto Rico, le hizo un daño severo a nuestra economía que ha frenado el crecimiento económico desde entonces.

Como sabemos, la sección 936 del Código de Rentas Internas federal fue legislada en 1976 para proveer un extraordinario trato contributivo a las ganancias de corporaciones que tenían operaciones de manufactura en Puerto Rico.

Cuando se legisló en 1996 para su gradual eliminación entre 1996 y 2005, el entonces gobernador Pedro Rosselló, el Comisionado Residente y ex-gobernador Carlos Romero Barceló y el Partido Nuevo Progresista fueron acusados de destruir el futuro económico de Puerto Rico por provocar o permitir la eliminación de la Sección 936.

El 3 de mayo, en la Capital federal, el doctor Colón De Armas, con hechos y datos irrefutables probó lo contrario.

PIB/GDP versus PNB/GNP

En español, el Gross Domestic Product (GDP) se traduce a Producto Interno Bruto (PIB) mientras que el Gross National Product (GNP) se traduce a Producto Nacional Bruto (PNB) (no teniendo la palabra “nacional” nada que ver con el status político).

A continuación las definiciones:

Ü El PIB representa el valor de todos los bienes y servicios producidos y vendidos dentro de las fronteras de un país durante un período de tiempo dado.

Ü El PNB representa el valor de todos los bienes y servicios producidos y vendidos por los residentes de un país durante un período de tiempo dado, independientemente de dónde ocurrió la producción.

En otras palabras, el PIB tiene un enfoque geográfico (lo que se produce dentro de las fronteras) y el PNB tiene un enfoque de domicilio (lo que producen los residentes permanentes del país). En Puerto Rico, la gran diferencia es que en el PIB/GDP se incluye lo que producían las llamadas empresas 936, pero en el PNB/GNP no.

Seis años antes de aprobarse la Sección 936, el producto nacional (en este caso “nacional” no tiene nada que ver con el status politico) bruto (PNB/GNP) de Puerto Rico era un saludable 93% del producto interno bruto (PIB/GDP). O sea, el GNP y el GDP de Puerto Rico estaban casi a la par.

Tan pronto se aprobó la Sección 936, el pequeño diferencial de 7% entre uno y otro se fue separando y para el 2010, la diferencia entre el PNB/GNP y el PIB/GDP se había deteriorado de 7% a 35% de diferencia. O sea, se quintuplicó en 40 años. En términos económicos, eso es terrible.

Visto de otra manera, en las tres décadas antes de aprobarse la sección 936, la relación entre el GNP y el GDP fue de 104%, 99% y 93%, un promedio de 99%. Durante las tres décadas siguientes, fue de 76%, 70% y 67%, un promedio de 71%. Noventinueve por ciento versus setentiun porciento, un deterioro de casi 30% entre las 3 décadas antes y las 3 décadas después de aprobarse la Sección 936.

La economía puertorriqueña comenzó a desplomarse con la estrategia económica equivocada de la Sección 936.

¿Creció la economía con la 936?

Numéricamente, nuestro producto bruto nacional per cápita (por persona) creció dramáticamente entre 1970 y el 2010, de $1,729 a $15,930. “¡Wow!”, podría ser la reacción inicial natural. Esa sería la respuesta natural y superficial que promueven los partidarios del status politico actual.

PERO… en 1970 el GNP per cápita para todos los estados de EE.UU. era de tan solo $5,094 y creció a $47,883 en el 2010. En otras palabras, nuestro GNP por persona era un 33.9% del nacional en 1970 ($1,729 aquí versus $5,094 allá) y en el 2010 era un 33.3% del nacional ($15,930 aquí versus $47,883 allá). La Sección 936 que estuvo vigente durante 30 de esos 40 años no hizo absolutamente nada para cerrar la brecha económica entre Puerto Rico y el resto de los Estados Unidos.

El crecimiento económico y la Sección 936

Entre 1948 y 1979, el crecimiento económico promedio del producto bruto nacional de Puerto Rico fue de casi 6% anual.

Tan pronto se aprobó la Sección 936 a finales de 1976 se notó una diferencia, pero fue una diferencia desastrosa. De 1980 al 2010, el crecimiento anual bajó de casi 6% a apenas 1.5% anual. O sea, bajo tres cuartas partes, ya que 1.5% es una cuarta parte de 6%.

“¡Ah, pero el crecimiento de la economía de los Estados Unidos también bajó!” podrían argumentar los partidarios de la colonia.

Es cierto, la economía nacional también bajó, de 3.84% a 2.68%, una reducción de 30 por ciento. Pero una reducción de 30% es mucho menos que una reducción de casi 75%.

Mientras la economía puertorriqueña creció más aceleradamente que la estadounidense en los 30 años antes de entrar en vigor la Sección 936 (5.56% versus 3.84%), fue la economía estadounidense la que creció más aceleradamente que la puertorriqueña durante los 30 años después de aprobarse la Sección 936 (3.68% vs. 1.52%). La Sección 936 frenó el crecimiento económico de Puerto Rico.

¿Puede Puerto Rico cerrar la brecha?

Si Puerto Rico pudiera reestablecer una tasa de crecimiento mayor a la tasa de crecimiento económico del resto de la nación, podemos establecernos como meta igualar el Producto Nacional Bruto (PNB/GNP) per cápita al PNB/GNP per cápita de todos los Estados Unidos.

Por ejemplo, si nuestra tasa de crecimiento fuera de 1.7 puntos porcentuales mayor a la nacional, como lo fue por 30 años hasta que fue alterada por la imposición de la Sección 936, la economía boricua alcanzaría, proporcional a su población, por supuesto, a la estadounidense, en unos 65 años.

Sin embargo, al paso que vamos bajo la relación política actual, en vez de cerrarse la brecha, la economía puertorriqueña se estará alejando más a la de los Estados Unidos.

* * * * * * * * * * * * *

Todos los que creemos en la descolonización debemos agradecer a la CPREA y su presidente, Rafael Rodríguez, el auspicio de paneles como el celebrado en el Congreso el 3 de mayo que, lejos de convertirse en un repetitivo chijí-chijá, ofrece información, data y argumentación de gran valor para Puerto Rico. - KDM

jueves, 14 de abril de 2011

McClintock on Puerto Rico pension system

"Puerto Rico's pension system is essentially bankrupt"-Business Week, referring by an article of Bussiness Week: The Great American Ponzi Scheme on page 3.


By Kenneth D. McClintock
Secretary of State of Puerto Rico


Our nation's most prestigious weekly business publication, Business Week magazine, in two words, has summarized the status of Puerto Rico's government employees pension systems-"essentially bankrupt".

Since Gov. Rosselló proposed and the NPP-controlled legislature stemmed the hemorrhaging of Puerto Rico's government pension systems in 2000, PDP governments allowed the systems to slide into essential bankruptcy---a 90% actuarial deficit.

Fast-forward to Gov. Fortuño and 2011---essentially bankrupt no more. Gov. Fortuño has submitted a new budget for fiscal year 2011-12 that includes tens of millions of dollars to fund the first of a ten-year plan to start saving Puerto Rico's government pensions systems. Beginning in slightly over two months, the government will be increasing its employer contribution to its employees' pension systems by at least one additional percentage point per year for the next decade, until the current 9.2% contribution surpasses 20%.

The current legislation will not raise employee contributions, but that is an idea that could be retaken in the future. Retaken because 5 years ago, the Puerto Rico Senate that I presided at the time, with votes from its NPP majority and, remarkably, its PDP minority, approved legislation that would have raised employee contributions from 8% to 10% over 5 years.


As a result of Gov. Fortuño's first bold step, Puerto Rico's pension system will step away from "essential bankruptcy" into the not-quite-comfortable zone of more average-state pension system actuarial deficits. Fortuño's plan is not surprising, in light of the economic miracle that Puerto Rico has experienced during the past two years, as the Governor led us out of virtual junk-bond status and into the realm of gradual economic recovery.

viernes, 8 de abril de 2011

Declaraciones de Pedro Pierluisi ante el posible cierre del gobierno federal

WASHINGTON, DC- “Desafortunadamente continúa la incertidumbre en Washington en cuanto al posible cierre del gobierno federal. Aunque la Cámara federal acaba de aprobar un proyecto de resolución que permitiría que el gobierno federal permanezca abierto una semana adicional con el fin de tratar de llegar a un acuerdo en cuanto a las asignaciones presupuestarias pendientes para este año fiscal, queda por verse si el Senado le dará paso a la misma y si el Presidente le imparte su firma.

No es probable que el Senado le dé paso a la medida y menos aún que el Presidente le imparta su firma. Y la razón principal para el tranque es que el liderato en la Cámara no sólo ha incluido unos nuevos recortes de $12,000 millones de dólares en el proyecto, sino también ha entrado en materia que no tiene que ver con el presupuesto.

Parece mentira que veamos seriamente afectados el buen nombre del gobierno de los Estados Unidos, los servicios que le ofrece al pueblo y el bienestar de cientos de miles de sus empleados, incluyendo los que laboran en Puerto Rico.

Esperemos que el sentido de responsabilidad y la sensibilidad predominen en las negociaciones que se llevarán a cabo en las próximas horas.

En lo que respecta a mi oficina, al igual que en la de la gran mayoría de mis colegas demócratas, todo el personal se mantendrá cumpliendo su misión en los próximos días".

jueves, 7 de abril de 2011

McClintock remarks on E3 Summit

Remarks by
Kenneth D. McClintock
Secretary of State of Puerto Rico
(as prepared for delivery)

E3 Summit
Puerto Rico Chamber of Commerce

San Juan, Puerto Rico
April 7, 2011


Thank you Edgardo for the introduction… I would also like to express my appreciation to the Chairman of the Board of the Puerto Rico Chamber of Commerce, Raúl Gayá-Nigaglioni… and its Chairman-Elect, Salvador Calaf-Legrand, …as well Pablo Figueroa, Chairman of the Summit for the kind invitation to join you this morning, as well as the invitation you have extended to Governor Fortuño to address you later on today..

On behalf of the Government of Puerto Rico I am very pleased to welcome the many distinguished speakers, panelists and guests who have come to the Islands to participate in the First E3 Summit of the Americas 2011.

This Summit is an initiative for which the Puerto Rico Chamber of Commerce deserves to be praised and commended… it demonstrates the keen awareness of the business sector to provide a forum to discuss the path that Puerto Rico should take to global competitiveness.

Trade is a proven engine for economic growth… and if Puerto Rico is to develop an export economy it is clear by now that we should do much more than enact laws to make investment easier and more attractive.
An entrepreneurial spirit can be stifled by the wrong laws but the Legislative Assembly cannot create an entrepreneurial spirit by enacting the right laws.

There is no silver bullet… whether in life, in business or in government. You cannot think or will change… change takes effort… and the results do not happen overnight.

Developing a true export economy is likely to require a profound change in the way that we think… and in how we see ourselves individually and collectively as a society.

And that will certainly take a different kind of education than that which, for decades, we have been providing in our schools and universities… For starters, it will require a civic education curriculum… one in which students learn that a truly free society cannot exist without a market economy… and that individual liberties and economic freedom are an integral part of the fabric of democracy.

Entrepreneurship cannot thrive in a society that does not value the role of the business sector in achieving a better quality of life… and much less in a society that distrusts the business sector and believes that the interests of the business sector are in opposition to the welfare of society.

What kind of beliefs and values are being instilled in our students? What kind of society is being developed in our schools and universities…?

Having the right kind of education is crucial… but we would be somewhat naive if we believed that education alone would be sufficient to achieve the kind of society we intend to build. The change that Puerto Rico needs will require strong and continued support for the policies that will take us where we need to go… and that means that the private sector must be fully involved in the public policy debate.

The E3 Summit of the Americas is an important step in the right direction.

The potential for a future of growth and prosperity is before us. I am confident that together —government, the business sector, and the academia— we can make that potential a bright reality.

Thank you for being here.

miércoles, 6 de abril de 2011

Ahead of the curve: Puerto Rico’s successful implementation of its Fiscal and Economic Reconstruction Plan

Remarks by Luis G. Fortuño, Governor of Puerto Rico

To the Strategas 5th Annual Global Macro Conference

New York, NY

March 24, 2011



Good evening. It is great to be with you all, and to have the opportunity to share the story of the fiscal and economic reconstruction process we have underway in Puerto Rico.

Ohio…Wisconsin…New York… New Jersey, and the list goes on.

These states have seized headlines of late as they grapple with the fiscal and economic challenges of our time – those facing our federal government and governments throughout the world.

Puerto Rico has a unique story to tell in this global narrative. Because our tough work on these issues began over two years ago, Puerto Rico is now ahead of the curve and is increasingly seen in policy and economic circles as a model case for the rest of the country to follow.

Through the tough decisions we made early in my Administration, we are addressing an inherited fiscal crisis that was the worst in the nation.

Tonight I want to share with you how we changed our fiscal course in Puerto Rico – from inheriting a government near bankruptcy just over two years ago, to today, when the rating agencies are responding to our reforms with positive actions on our credit.

When I took office two years ago, we had been experiencing the deepest recession since the 1930s, a recession that began two full years before it began in the rest of the country.

Puerto Rico’s economy wasn’t particularly healthy even before the official onset of the recession.

However, this economic slump was never acknowledged by the previous government, which consistently over-estimated economic growth and tax receipts -- with the gap growing over time.

Predicting economic growth despite contrary evidence was one of many ways the government avoided confronting the growing structural deficit.

The details are grim. During this “overheating” period, which were the years prior to the outbreak of the recession in Puerto Rico in 2006, government expenses had been increasing 8 percent annually, while revenues increased only 2 percent.

One group that definitely became leery of lending to the government was the bondholders. Both Moody’s and S&P downgraded Puerto Rico’s bond ratings to one step above junk.

After I was elected in November of 2008 and before I was sworn in, it was actually during the transition that my team and I discovered the true extent of the fiscal abyss we faced.

And it was far worse than anything that had been disclosed to the public by my predecessors.

As Governor-elect, I flew here to New York to meet with the rating agencies to avoid a downgrade of our bonds to junk and to ask for time for us to act.

When I took the oath of office, our deficit stood at $3.3 billion. Proportionally speaking, it was the largest state budget deficit in the country, representing 44 percent of revenues.

My team discovered that we didn’t have the money to meet our first payroll. We had to take out a loan to pay it.

We immediately enacted fiscal emergency legislation, with the support of our Legislature, requiring serious spending cuts. And we established a Fiscal Restructuring and Stabilization Board to help lead the effort.

In just two years, we have cut government expenses by almost 20 percent.

I started with my own salary. I took a 10 percent pay cut and my agency heads took a 5 percent cut.

We froze all salaries for two fiscal years, and reduced political appointments by 30 percent.

We cut government operating expenses 10 percent, including official vehicles, cell phones, and credit cards. I pay for my own cell phone.

We reduced the number of government agencies through consolidation and dramatically increased the number of services that could be provided online.

Because payroll expenses were dominating 70 percent of our budget, we had no choice but to shrink the government employee ranks by 23,000 through a combination of voluntary and mandatory measures.

Our over bloated and costly government payroll was the result of the irresponsible hiring and unchecked benefit increases approved by past administrations while the fiscal situation was deteriorating.

In addition to payroll, like many states, we’re also tackling the challenge of funding our retirement system.

On the positive side, we are among the few jurisdictions that eliminated defined benefit plans, instead moving all future employees to a performance-based defined contribution plan. So we have eliminated the risk of widening actuarial deficits.

We are now working to achieve a permanent solution to the unfunded liability challenge presented by our pension system.

We didn’t shy away from the tough decisions. In just two years, our progress is clear and compelling on both the fiscal and economic side.

We have cut expenses and brought down the budget deficit from 44 percent to 11 percent of revenues. That includes reducing payroll expenses by $935 million or 17 percent of total government payroll. We are now on course to balance our budget before the end of my first term.

We’ve reduced our deficit proportionally more than any other state or territory. In a ranking of all the states by budget deficit, as a percentage of revenues, we started off dead last. Now, we are ranked 20th in the country and closing in.

The rating agencies have noticed.

Last April, Moody’s increased Puerto Rico general obligation bond ratings by three notches to A3 from Baa3, the highest improvement given to any of the 34 states whose ratings it upgraded, and the highest for Puerto Rico in 35 years.

In November, Standard & Poor’s raised from “stable” to “positive” its outlook on Puerto Rico’s credit - the first positive credit review on record since 1983.

Fitch Ratings recently assigned a BBB + rating with a stable outlook to the general obligations of the Government of Puerto Rico.

And earlier this month, Standard & Poor again looked at Puerto Rico and upgraded its rating for Puerto Rico’s general obligation debt improving it from BBB- to BBB, the first upgrade S&P has given Puerto Rico’s credit in 28 years.

These positive actions not only take into account fiscal progress, but also the new direction we’re taking on our overall economic front.

Because while we’ve been putting our fiscal house in order, we’ve also been changing the course of Puerto Rico’s economic future.

Through our Strategic Model for a New Economy, the government has formulated a vision for Puerto Rico and specific actions to achieve it. It is the most comprehensive economic development program Puerto Rico has had in decades, and details specific actions in the short and long term to grow the economy.

It is based on performance metrics that measure growth in the economy, competitiveness and job creation.

Through this framework, we have been implementing a pro-growth reform agenda supported by a series of key public policy reforms.

We addressed a tax code that was putting our businesses at a competitive disadvantage.

Puerto Rico, as a U.S. territory, has a code that is close to a mirror image of the Internal Revenue Code. We faced the same challenge presented by the federal code in that high taxes – especially on the corporate side –hindered our competitiveness.

So we exacted the largest across-the-board tax cuts at the individual and corporate level in Puerto Rico history.

Starting January 1 of this year, we cut the top corporate rate from 41 percent to 30 percent. In 2014, that top rate will drop further to 25 percent. The previous seven-tier corporate bracket has been flattened, into first three, and then two lowered rates.

For individuals, tax rates are dropping an average of 25 percent this year, increasing to a nearly 50 percent reduction over six years.

To ensure that we sustain fiscal responsibility, individual tax reductions for years 2014 through 2016 will be contingent on the government meeting targeted goals to guarantee that we continue to balance our budget.

Thus, we are making the taxpayer the watchdog for fiscal discipline, and ensuring government keeps that discipline.

In addition, 1 percent of the budget in 2014, and 1.5 percent in 2015 and 2016 will be deposited into a fiscal reserve fund, providing a “rainy day” fund to make sure we never again sink into the financial hole from which we’ve managed to emerge.

In addition to tax reform, we have instituted other significant planks in our economic reform agenda to promote growth and create jobs.

We enacted one of the most advanced and aggressive Public-Private Partnership law in the country to encourage greater private investment and bring competition and efficiencies to schools, roads, airports, energy, water facilities and other public infrastructure.

This has been the model for much new infrastructure around the world, with the conspicuous exception of the United States.

Through our P3 program, we’re currently in the process of moving forward $3.5 billion in infrastructure projects.

That includes the full concession of major toll roads and of our main airport, and the modernization of 100 public schools throughout the Island, among other major infrastructure projects.

We have some of the highest energy costs in the nation and rely on imported oil for almost 70 percent of our power generation. So we have begun a comprehensive energy program to dramatically reduce our dependence on oil, in favor of natural gas and renewable energy.

By 2012, we are working to shift Puerto Rico’s fuel mix from 69 percent petroleum to 72 percent natural gas. Vía Verde, or “Green Way,” as our natural gas project is known, will reduce fuel costs by double digit percentages.

We are further diversifying our fuel mix to include renewable sources such as solar, wind and waste-to-energy. Renewable energy projects are bringing with them hundreds of millions of dollars in new investment in Puerto Rico and the creation of thousands of new jobs in our economy.

We launched the best housing market incentives in the country – available to residents and non-residents through June of this year.

We’re seeing a double digit spike in housing sales in Puerto Rico, because these incentives include:

-ZERO property taxes for five years for new residential properties purchased during this special window

-ZERO recording fees and

-ZERO capital gains tax obligation, with no expiration date.

Purchases of existing properties benefit from 50 percent exemption on recording fees and a 50 percent exemption on capital gains.

People who buy either a new or existing property to rent during this time frame, are also eligible for ZERO tax obligation for 10 years on net rental income.

To all of you, let me say this: this is the best time to buy a second home or investment property in Puerto Rico.

We are also merging government agencies to cut duplications, and streamlining operations to be quick, agile and efficient so that government red tape doesn’t get in the way of entrepreneurship and job creation.

A perfect example is the government permitting process. We had government agencies issuing 28 different permits. Now we have 1 permit to do business.

In cases not requiring detailed evaluations, the new system has resulted in an 85 percent reduction in the permit granting and approval process. And for major projects involving site and land use consultations, a process that could take three to five years is now down to a maximum of 180 days.

On the tourism front, we enacted a comprehensive incentives package to attract the development of world-class tourism projects, and that strategy is already bearing fruit.

New luxury resorts such as the St. Regis Bahia Beach Resort in Río Grande and the W Resort in Vieques are important new additions to our portfolio.

Construction is currently underway for the six-star Dorado Beach Ritz Reserve. We currently have 11 projects under evaluation with more than 1,300 additional rooms and a total investment of almost $900 million.

Earlier this month, I signed into law a new Film Incentives Law designed to make Puerto Rico’s current production incentives among the most attractive in the industry, as well as promote the development of state-of-the-art media infrastructure, including high-capacity studios.

Over 60 productions have taken advantage of Puerto Rico’s current incentive program, including Disney’s “Pirates of the Caribbean 4,” Universal Picture’s “Fast 5” and Warner Brothers’ “The Losers,” and we’re expanding our ability to attract both Hollywood and international productions.

We are also positioning ourselves to make Puerto Rico a hub for global shipping. The expansion of and our proximity to the Panama Canal provides us a unique opportunity, so we are readying our Port of the Americas to be a world class international trans-shipment port.

We have installed super Post-Panamax cranes and dredged a shipping channel that can handle the world’s largest cargo freighters.

In the future, cargo ships leaving from Singapore could head east instead of west, passing through the Panama Canal on to Puerto Rico, with goods destined for both the Eastern Seaboard and Latin American markets – and even Europe by way of Rotterdam.

This route would allow freight from Asia to bypass chokepoints along the western route, made more volatile by piracy off the Somali coast and unrest in North Africa.

Today, the government of Puerto Rico is fully engaged in serious economic reform. We have reduced government payroll, slashed bloated budgets, and introduced bold reforms of entrenched government programs that promise to re-ignite economic growth.

My advice to other Governors facing the same challenges has been: Don’t wait and don’t blink. Make the tough decisions early and stick to them with courage, because at the end of the day, people are expecting leadership.

In my case, I have found that some may not like every decision, but they will respect you for doing what is right and what you said you would do.

And by pursuing long-term reforms that hold the promise of dramatically improving the island’s economic position in the coming decades, Puerto Rico is sending an unmistakable message to companies and investors that the island is permanently changing its business environment for the better.

By scaling back the size of government while at the same time reducing tax rates, simplifying the tax code, increasing private investment in infrastructure, and diversifying our energy sources, I am convinced that we have the right equation for an economic renaissance in Puerto Rico.

Thank you all very much.